Women demand more in unity government

By Vusumuzi Sifile

WOMEN’S rights activists want to add another sticking point to the contentious issue of cabinet appointments: they are demanding that key ministries should be headed by women.

They also want women to head at least 30% of the 31 ministries created under the power-sharing deal between Zanu PF and the two MDC formations.

This however could be a shot in the dark as all the parties are said to have completed their most likely line-ups for different portfolios. Most of the posts are held by men. Fewer women that are being proposed were elected into the two houses of Parliament.

Among the organisations pushing for the deal is the Women in Politics Support Unit (WiPSU) and the Feminists Political Education Project (FePEP). They say this is "not too far fetched" as it is in line with a protocol adopted by Sadc heads of state in South Africa last month.

Officials from the two organisations confirmed they were pushing for more women to be appointed to Cabinet and for the appointment of women to key ministries. They however could not be drawn into divulging the names in their proposals.

WiPSU director, Cleopatra Ndlovu said: "Right from the talks, the representation of women left a lot to be desired. Everything was telling a male story, even the picture. And now we are talking about cabinet, this is where issues of power between men and women are going to be demonstrated."

She said the agreement makes a commitment to involve women, but there is no suggestion how this would be carried out.

"Having read the agreement, it talks about women in a way that the principals acknowledge women have to be put in strategic positions. But we don’t see the actual action plan to involve women. It appears they just talk about women, just to appease us."

Theresa Mugadza, a co-ordinator of FePEP, said they had "engaged with the negotiators at various times about the inclusion of women".

"We have written to them, but there’s not been any formal response," Mugadza said.

Asked about their proposals, Mugadza said: "I cannot start giving you names now."

But sources in the women’s movement said Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga — who ironically is one of the FePEP co-ordinators and took part in the negotiations that led to the power sharing deal — tops the list of the feminists’ suggestions. Her name has also appeared in a number of possible cabinet line-ups currently being circulated.

According to our sources, some feminists want Misihairabwi-Mushonga to head either the Ministry of Industry and Commerce or Regional Integration and International Trade, which are understood to have been given to her formation. The proposal is based on Misihairabwi-Mushonga’s background as a former chairperson of the Parliamentary public accounts committee and MDC’s shadow Minister of Foreign Affairs.

"We look forward to the appointment of women to strategic ministries such as foreign affairs, home affairs, defence, local government, finance, trade, health and education just to name a few — something like what they have in South Africa," added Mugadza.

Section 20 of the agreement signed on September 15 acknowledges "the need for gender parity, particularly the need to appoint women in strategic Cabinet posts".

The FePEP, through Mugadza, even suggested how the ministries would be distributed.

"For avoidance of doubt, out of the 31 ministerial positions, 15 should be women and of the 15 deputy ministers, 8 should be women. Of the 15 cabinet posts Zanu PF has, at least seven ought to be women; of the 13 cabinet posts that MDC-T has, at least seven ought to be women and of the three seats MDC has, at least one has to be a woman. Of the eight deputies Zanu PF appoints, four have to be women, the six MDC led by Tsvangirai appoints, three ought to be women and the one deputy of the MDC led by Prof. Mutambara must be a woman."

But Luta Shaba, the director of Women’s Trust —a Harare based organisation said: "For us, what is more critical however is to have an institutional mechanism to oversee the commitment to issues of gender representation. It does not matter what percentage we have, if there is nobody to oversee the implementation it won’t work. It is not about numbers, it is about walking our talk."

Chefs face uncertain future after deal

By Vusumuzi Sifile

AS they waited for the signing of the historic power-sharing deal between their party and the two MDC formations at the Rainbow Towers Harare International Conference Centre last Monday, most Zanu PF officials appeared not as jovial as they usually are at important state gatherings.


Despite the signing being a milestone in the history of Zimbabwe, most Zanu PF officials appeared unsettled by the deal. A number of them could be seen staring into space, palms resting on their chins, as if wondering what the future holds for them.

And when President Robert Mugabe took to the podium, he did not — as he usually does at such national events — make a special mention of politburo and central committee members, let alone Vice-Presidents Joseph Msika and Joice Mujuru. And as if to add insult to injury, Southern Africa Development Community (Sadc) executive secretary Tomaz Salamao did not invite Msika, Mujuru and other top Zanu PF officials to pose for photographs with the three principals and the negotiating teams, and dignitaries from 12 Sadc countries.

On Monday, they had no option but to listen, attentively, to opposition leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, quite a major climb down from their usual barrages and attacks of them in state media outlets.

Asked why he appeared not at ease, an outgoing minister requesting anonymity, summed up the feeling among his colleagues, saying: "This is no playing matter. It’s a tricky situation for all of us. As you know, there were about 64 of us in the last cabinet. In terms of the deal, only 30 or so of us will be appointed in Cabinet. What is worse is that a number of sitting ministers lost their parliamentary seats. As it stands now, only a few individuals are guaranteed a position in the new Cabinet, probably the Vice-Presidents, whose positions are determined at the party congress."

In terms of the power sharing deal signed on Monday, Zanu PF will have 15 ministers, eight deputy ministers, and five provincial governors in Cabinet. This means about half of the outgoing crop of ministers will not be re-appointed.

A number of heavyweights have already been dropped from their positions as Provincial Governors. Some ministers, who are still clinging on to their offices despite losing their parliamentary seats, are also set to follow suit when the deal is implemented.

The Standard understands there have been massive flare-ups in recent Zanu PF meetings, with officials seeking an explanation from Mugabe and the negotiators on how certain compromises were made. Officials are also said to be trying hard to outsmart each other in every opportunity they get to draw Mugabe’s attention.

As a result, Mugabe is understood to have spent the better part of Tuesday and Wednesday trying to contain a potentially explosive situation in the Politburo and Central Committee.

As a result, Mugabe failed to make it on time for a meeting with Tsvangirai and Mutambara to discuss the allocation of ministries. That meeting was initially supposed to be on Tuesday, but was postponed to Wednesday, and later, Thursday.

"There are some in the party who feel the President conceded too much to the MDC. Although he is still in charge, the party’s influence in government has been extensively eroded," said the official.

Within minutes after the signing, violence broke out between MDC and Zanu PF supporters. The situation only calmed after the intervention of riot police. The violence, it was noted, was an indication that ordinary supporters of both Zanu PF and the MDC were not yet fully conversant with the contents of the deal.

On Wednesday, Mugabe acknowledged there was still need for party leaders to educate their supporters on the agreement.

"It is the responsibility of you in the leadership to explain the contents and meaning of the agreement to all our people," Mugabe said. "We therefore urge you to do the best you can to understand the document. Go out and explain to the people kumusha (in the communities). There are people who are yearning to understand how it is going to work now that our opponents yesterday are now our partners today."

ZIMBABWE: New Deal Faces Challenges

By Vusumuzi Sifile

HARARE, Sep 16 (IPS) - Violent clashes broke out between supporters of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (Zanu PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) outside the Rainbow Towers Hotel following the signing of a historic power sharing deal.

Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe of Zanu PF, and MDC leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara signed an agreement Monday that will form an inclusive government involving their parties. The signing was witnessed by heads-of-state and representatives from 12 Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries.

While dignitaries and Zimbabwean political leaders were still celebrating inside the hotel, the two groups of supporters broke into song and dance, chanting their party slogans. This degenerated into violence as the supporters started insulting each other. Within minutes, stones were flying from either group.

Although riot police moved swiftly to contain the situation, analysts fear this is an indication of the bigger challenges the parties face in selling the deal to their supporters. "This shows the ordinary members of the parties are still not sure of their position in the new arrangement. Their mentality is still in the old setup when anyone from the other side was viewed as an enemy," said John Makumbe, a political science lecturer and strong government critic.

"The real test is in the allocation of ministries, which determines who holds too much power or too little. I view this deal as an egg. The contents inside are very good stuff, but the shell is very fragile and can be easily broken," Makumbe explained to IPS. "The violence, I think, brought into light some of the minor issues that could make or break the deal."

Political parties have to put national interest ahead of selfish and party interest, said Mutambara in his remarks after the signing. The document is a compromise document, he said, "which is the best short term measure to extricate ourselves."

"We have people who are going to work together who used to be enemies," said Mutambara. "This government has to make some very painful decisions to drive the country forward. Painful decisions, courageous decisions have to be taken. Leadership is about making unpopular decisions popular. We must deliver the promise of the agreement."

"People may ask, how we, who have been enemies for so long, will work together... Let us turn our fighting swords into ploughshares," said Tsvangirai. "I have signed this agreement because I believe it presents the best opportunity for us... the road ahead is long and will not be easy, it will need patience and virtue. I call on supporters of Zanu PF and the MDC to unite as Zimbabweans for the national good."

President Mugabe said there are salient principles in the agreement which have to be respected if unity is to last. Mugabe was retained as the head-of-state, but had his powers to control government clipped extensively.

"There are a lot of things in the agreement which I didn’t, and which I still don’t like. There are also a number of things in the agreement which he (Tsvangirai) didn’t like, and still does not like," said Mugabe.

Speaking at the signing ceremony, AU chairman, Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete, said the historic signing of the agreement is a victory for the people of Zimbabwe and "all people in the SADC region and the people on the continent".

Civil rights activist, Daniel Molokele said the deal could be used "as a good starting point for all of us as we try to take Zimbabwe forward".

But Brian Kagoro, a Kenya-based Zimbabwean human rights lawyer and political analyst, told reporters that the agreement was "not the best way to go".

"It was one of those unique cases, where either side was doomed if they signed the deal, and they were equally doomed if they didn’t," said Kagoro. "No negotiated settlement ever represents the best way to go. This ‘Kenya Tea’ export of negotiated democracy does not bode well for democracy on the continent. It suggests that the people’s popular will can be subverted with impunity by strong-men who after losing elections resort to stone age politics that depends on who has the bigger stone to throw or the larger stick."

Early this year, a political settlement was reached in Kenya after a disputed election last December that resulted in the death and displacement of thousands. "The fact that the same political pharmacological prescription forced down Kenyans throats has been replicated in Zimbabwe paints a grim picture for forthcoming elections in several African countries," said Kagoro.

"As a process, negotiated power-deals amongst elites entrench the politics of entitlement and patronage… The crude reality though is that people do not eat politics, they require food, shelter and other basic necessities that mere political squabbling cannot deliver."

National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) chairperson, Lovemore Madhuku, shared the same sentiment. The "voices of ordinary people was not represented in the agreement," Madhuku stressed.

Bishop Ancelimo Magaya, a leader of the Christian Alliance, a grouping of churches and Christian civil society organisations, told IPS the violence after the signing of the agreement indicated what was "still entrenched in the minds of many Zimbabweans".

"There are still a number of rough issues to be dealt with, this is just the beginning. The challenge is now on the respective parties to instil that understanding and tolerance among their supporters," Magaya said.

As part of the new agreement, Mugabe will be President and will have two vice Presidents from Zanu PF. Tsvangirai will assume the newly created position of Prime Minister and have two deputies -- Mutambara and Thokozani Khupe.

Of the 31 ministers in the all-inclusive Cabinet, Zanu PF will have 15, MDC-T will have 13, and MDC-M three. Three ministers -- one representing each party -- may be appointed from outside members of Parliament. These three ministers shall have the right to sit, speak and debate in parliament, but shall not be entitled to vote.

Only 15 ministers will have deputies, to be split in the ratio of 8:6:1 between Zanu PF, MDC-T and MDC-M, respectively.

Furthermore, "Ministers and deputy ministers may be relieved of their duties only after consultation among leaders of all political parties," the agreement states. A nominee of the party which held that position prior to the vacancy arising will fill vacancies.

University of Zimbabwe political science lecturer, Professor Eldred Masunungure, said the clash of Zanu PF and MDC supporters is one of the first indications of the "big challenge the parties will have to convince their supporters that this was indeed a worthwhile compromise".

"These are some of the issues that now need to be addressed. But the fact that we have the leaders agreeing shows that we have something," Masunungure told IPS .

For women and gender activists, it is not time to celebrate yet.

"As women we will celebrate when the Cabinet is announced. Up to this stage, it has only been the negotiators and their principals, and as you know, there was only one woman in the team," said Cleopatra Ndlovu, director of the Women in Politics Support Unit (WiPSU), a Harare based non-governmental organisation. "The announcement of a Cabinet will inform us of where the women are."

In addition pushing for women to form a significant number -- at least 30 percent -- of the Cabinet, Ndlovu said they would also campaign for women to be given some key ministries like Finance, Home Affairs and Education.

"This is coming soon after the signing of the SADC protocol on gender. The composition of this Cabinet will show Zimbabwe’s commitment or lack of it to the protocol. For us the announcement of the cabinet is a starting point."

(END/2008)

Scepticism over power-sharing deal

By Vusumuzi Sifile

WHILE celebrating the announcement of an historic power-sharing deal by Zimbabwe’s political protagonists last Thursday, analysts and civil society leaders have warned that if there is no commitment from all the signatories, the deal could just remain "a useless piece of paper".

Although agreeing that the deal was the only way out of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, some analysts believe such "negotiated democracy" could disempower ordinary Zimbabweans, sandwiching them between "two strong political parties joined together by their mutual suspicion of each other".

But others believe the settlement, despite its "compromised nature, was the best way to go". At the same time, it is a "fragile agreement that needs to be handled with caution".

Kenya-based Zimbabwean human rights activist, Brian Kagoro said the deal — which he described as a "Kenya Tea export of negotiated democracy" — was a subversion of the people’s will by "strong-men who after losing elections resort to stone age politics that depends on who has the bigger stone to throw or the larger stick".

"It was one of those unique cases, where either side was doomed if they signed the deal and they were equally doomed if they didn’t," said Kagoro. "No negotiated settlement ever represents the best way to go.

"The fact that the same political prescription forced down Kenyans’ throats has been replicated in Zimbabwe paints a grim picture for forthcoming elections in several African countries. As a process, negotiated power-deals amongst elites entrench the politics of entitlement and patronage . . . The crude reality though is that people do not eat politics. They require food, shelter and other basic necessities that mere political squabbling cannot deliver."

Losing presidential candidate, Simba Makoni, who was among the first people to call for a government of national unity, on Friday refused to comment on the deal, saying he still wanted to see its contents.

But Last Moyo, a Zimbabwean political scientist, said the deal was "not necessarily the best in terms of the political process, but only in terms of giving some form of relief to the people who have suffered so much".

University of Zimbabwe political science lecturer, Professor Eldred Masunungure, said though the details of the deal were still hazy, the finding of common ground by the leaders was a milestone.

"Whatever is in the deal, the very act of them agreeing and finding common ground is the turning point for the nation," he said.

Another analyst, Professor John Makumbe, said given the current crisis, "anything on the table should be accepted and tried".

"It’s unfortunate the situation has become so bad in the country that a compromise is the only way forward. It is important that no one puts their foot wrong and breaks the agreement," Makumbe said.

"It’s a fragile agreement, it’s like you are holding eggs, where the stuff inside is rich and good, but the shell is very thin and very fragile. If you break it everything falls and goes to waste. Both Zanu PF and the MDC will have to put the country ahead of their partisan interests."

Makumbe said the issues of transitional justice could scuttle the implementation phase.

"The challenges are very severe. What, for example, do they do with people who slaughtered and tortured others only a few months ago? Are they going to send them to prison or sit in the same Cabinet with them? It’s going to be a tricky process to implement the whole agreement."

The analysts were unanimous that for the deal to work there was need for commitment among the parties and change of the constitution.

"An agreement to share power requires guarantors," Kagoro said, "and it is not clear who the guarantors will be in the Zimbabwean scenario if either one of the parties renege on any essential term of the agreement. The devil in this particular agreement will not be in the detail, but in the lack thereof!"

The current high levels of corruption among Zimbabwe’s elite could also scuttle the deal.

The deal, said Kagoro, had left many questions unanswered: "How, for example, will the ongoing looting of minerals and other natural resources be stopped in the immediate and near future? How will one incentivise people who for close to a decade have reaped billions of dollars trading on the informal economy to return to the formal economy?"

Moyo said the success of the deal "will depend largely on the commitment of all parties".

"There should be no reneging. The deal as a piece of paper is useless; it is the actions of the politicians that will give it substance," Moyo said. "The deal without the people will be a dismal failure."

National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) chairperson, Lovemore Madhuku, said: the "voice of ordinary people was not represented in the agreement".

"It is clear the agreement is not what the people want," Madhuku said. "The talks should have been part of an inclusive process. We are pressing ahead for a new, people driven constitution that will lead to fresh elections."

The Standard, 14 September 2008

New Rules Stymying NGO Operations

By Vusumuzi Sifile

STRINGENT rules imposed on Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO) will affect the resumption of critical relief operations, human rights lawyers have warned.

The lawyers made the warning as inquiries by The Standard revealed that the lifting of a ban on NGOs by government is yet to bring smiles on the faces of thousands of hungry Zimbabweans in urgent need of food aid.

Many Zimbabweans are going for days without proper meals, with some of these relying on wild fruits for survival.

Lancaster Museka, the Ministry of Public Service Labour and Social Welfare’s Permanent Secretary announced on August 29 that government was lifting the ban, raising hopes that at least five million Zimbabweans currently in need food aid following a poor harvest in the last farming season could start getting relief supplies.

But three days later, on September 1, Museka also announced that government would closely monitor the operations of the NGOs.

"The freeze was necessitated by reports that several NGOs were operating outside the terms of their registered mandates. Some were not following operational guidelines and some were dabbling in partisan politics. A number of NGOs will have to answer for their iniquities," said Museka.

It was not immediately possible to establish from Museka which organisations would be answerable.

Under the new checks, aid agencies would now be obliged to fill in forms with details of grants they received between July 2007 and June 2008, and how they used the money.

The head of the organisation who signed those forms could be prosecuted if the information proved incorrect. Agencies that failed to present the information by end of this month would be deregistered.

The Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) which studied the new rules expressed grave concern on the new checks on aid agencies.

"Such government bureaucracy against aid organisations can effectively compromise the resumption of critical field operations, putting the lives of millions of vulnerable people, especially children, the aged, People Living with HIV and Aids and others in urgent need of humanitarian assistance at risk," noted the lawyers body.

According to the National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO) — which represents NGOs, including civil society organisations in Zimbabwe — the government has actually tightened its grip on aid agencies with the new rules.

This, said Fambai Ngirande, Nango’s Advocacy and Public Policy Manager, will make it even more difficult for NGOs to operate.

"On paper, the ban has been lifted, but practically, the government has actually tightened the screws on the operations of NGOs," said Ngirande.

"For example, militias who were blocking NGO personnel in the villages are still on the ground. The lifting of the suspension is selective and excludes thousands of organisations either registered as trusts or universities as well as organisations registered as PVOs (private voluntary organisations) but not doing humanitarian, development or welfare work."

Most of the organisations whose activities remain suspended are community based; their exclusion is doubly significant because bigger organisations operated mostly through their structures.

Ngirande however said this requirement was against the provisions of the law. Instead, it sounded more in line with a piece of legislation abandoned in 2005 that would have tightened government control of registration of NGOS and prevented them from receiving foreign funding for their work.

"It is Nango’s considered view that the new requirements essentially operationalise the contested NGO Bill of 2005, at a time when Zimbabwe requires a positive state-civil society relationship to address the devastating humanitarian conditions in the country," added Ngirande.

The ZLHR also echoes the same view;

"In light of the imposition of such stringent and unnecessary rules the government has effectively introduced sections and aspects of the controversial NGO Bill into law through ministerial policies whose legality might be disputed."

An official with a leading aid organisation, requesting anonymity, said militias aligned to the governing Zanu PF were barring them from independently distributing aid.

"It is now very difficult to operate. The problem is that if you voice your concern, you would be accused of working with enemies of the state, and we might be deregistered," said the official.

Among other things, NGOs are now required to operate within structures set by the government. This means food distribution will be supervised by Village and Ward Development Committees, traditional chiefs and councillors, who will also screen beneficiaries. In the past, NGOs distributed aid through their own field workers, with collaboration from local government.

"From experience, the structures set up by the government are partisan and exclude a large section of needy Zimbabweans," added the official.

Mugabe 'backs down' On Power-sharing

By Vusumuzi Sifile and Davison Maruziva

PRESIDENT Thabo Mbeki of South Africa is expected in Harare as early as tomorrow to conclude the stalled power-sharing deal, which sources said was "as good as signed" after Zanu PF backed down on key parts of the agreement.

Well-placed sources confirmed to The Standard yesterday that negotiators between Zanu PF and the two MDC formations had reached "sort of a consensus" and an agreement was imminent.

Independent sources told The Standard that Zanu PF leader, President Robert Mugabe had agreed to the demands by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai that they share power equally. The development will see Mugabe becoming the Head of State, while Tsvangirai becomes the Head of Government.

Tsvangirai is expected to explain his position to supporters today at the party’s ninth anniversary celebrations in the Midlands provincial capital, Gweru.

Last month, Tsvangirai refused to sign a power-sharing agreement that would have retained Mugabe as both head of state and government.

But the latest arrangement, which could come into effect after Mbeki’s arrival this week would see Tsvangirai becoming the Prime Minister, in charge of the Cabinet — including the appointment and firing of ministers — and government’s business in Parliament, while Mugabe remains the President, in charge of state security and related portfolios. In the initial agreement, Tsvangirai would have been a member of cabinet and its deputy chairperson. He rejected this arrangement saying it made him junior to Mugabe.

"All Sadc heads of state appear to agree to the deal. The AU is saying the same thing, but the only problem is the wording of the agreement," said one of our sources. "There have been consultations between the negotiators and their parties and those issues appear to have been addressed."

A major area of focus, said our sources, was Zanu PF’s instruments of violence which remain intact.

MDC spokesperson, Nelson Chamisa yesterday said Tsvangirai’s "signature is ready" once the outstanding issues have been resolved.

"Once those things are resolved, the signature is ready. The biggest task is what is ahead, that is, resolving the current economic crisis, creating jobs and ensuring the cultivation of trust among Zimbabweans," Chamisa said, adding they were pushing for an equal power sharing deal. "It is not about the outsmarting of one party by the other, but a genuine partnership rooted and anchored on trust. We hope Zanu PF will not be unnecessarily rigid and inflexible to delay a settlement."

The concessions by Mugabe came in the face of renewed opposition from Canada, Australia and the US to Zanu PF’s intention to scuttle the idea of a transitional government/government of national unity and go ahead with formation of a Cabinet.

There was a swift and decisive response from America, Australia and Canada.

US Deputy Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer told reporters in Swaziland on Friday that if Mugabe followed through on his threat such a cabinet would be "a sham".

Members of such a Cabinet, Frazer said, could be subject to US sanctions. Washington has been among Mugabe’s sharpest critics, accusing him of trampling on democracy and ruining his country’s economy.

"We believe that instead of trying to appoint a Cabinet, they should negotiate on the basis of the will of the people that was expressed in the March elections," Frazer said.

Canada stepped up pressure on Mugabe on Friday when it joined the US and European Union in imposing sanctions on Zimbabwe’s "authoritarian regime" headed by Mugabe.

Canada said the measures announced Friday "go further toward isolating and maintaining pressure on key members of the Zimbabwe regime".

Canada is banning arms exports, freezing the assets of top Zimbabwean officials and banning Zimbabwean aircraft from flying over or landing in Canada.

On Friday British Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Dr Andrew Pocock, told the annual awards dinner for The Standard’s Cover to Cover Short Story Writing Competition in Harare that the international community was on standby to provide assistance to Zimbabwe. But he said there was no way recovery could take place without a political context.

"We remain committed to putting in whatever we need to power that recovery, provided we get the political context in which we can do that," he said. "Zimbabwe needs billions of dollars for the recovery of education, health, power and water… we can help."

The US, along with Britain and France, spearheaded a UN Security Council drive in July for sanctions, but the initiative was vetoed by Russia and China.

The African Union considers a government of national unity the best possible way of averting total economic collapse in Zimbabwe.

But the pressure is not just on Mugabe. FIFA secretary general, Jerome Valcke has in past weeks expressed deep concern over the situation in Zimbabwe to the SA organising committee.

"There is concern over the security situation in the Sadc region because of the political situation in Zimbabwe and questions are being asked on whether this presents a conducive environment for hosting the tournament (2010 World Cup)," Valcke said.

Mbeki’s last hope, it would appear, lies in resolving the Zimbabwean crisis before Fifa announces an alternative host - a move that would have potentially career-ending consequences for Mbeki in SA, especially after so much has been invested in preparing the venues for the world cup.

But Mugabe has his own pressures to contend with. After China and Russia vetoed a UN Security Council draft resolution, an unresolved political crisis in Zimbabwe would make it difficult for him to travel to the UN General Assembly next month.

Published in Standard, 7 September 2008

RIGHTS-ZIMBABWE: NGO Activity Still Limited

By Ephraim Nsingo

HARARE, Sep 8 (IPS) - Despite the Aug. 29 lifting of a ban on the operations of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Zimbabwe, representatives of civil society report they are still unable to operate freely.

At least five million Zimbabweans currently need food aid following a poor harvest in the last farming season. Foodstuffs have disappeared from most retail outlets.

According to the National Association of Non Governmental Organisations (NANGO) –- which represents NGOs, including civil society organisations in Zimbabwe -- the government has actually tightened its grip.

On Sep. 1, Lancaster Museka, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare, convened a general meeting of NGOs "to clarify operation modalities" on the lifting of the ban. Representatives of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP), the United Nations and various NGOs attended the meeting.

Museka told the NGOs "the meeting was convened to give to NGOs a methodology of re-engagement and re-introduction after the suspension."

He later told IPS the government was now going to closely monitor the operations of NGOs.

"The freeze was necessitated by reports that several NGOs were operating outside the terms of their registered mandates. Some were not following operational guidelines and some were dabbling in partisan politics. A number of NGOs will have to answer for their iniquities," said Museka.

He would not be drawn into elaborating which organisations would be answerable.

Museka said only those organisations involved in humanitarian assistance -- food aid, relief, recovery and development, family and child care and protection, care and protection of older persons, rights and empowerment of people with disabilities, HIV and AIDS treatment, care and related support services -- would be cleared to resume operations.

"The government will introduce a number of measures to make sure that organisations carry out only those duties for which they are registered. These measures include a monitoring and evaluation instrument," said Museka.

This, said Fambai Ngirande, NANGO's Advocacy and Public Policy Manager, will make it even more difficult for NGOs to operate.

"On paper, the ban has been lifted, but practically, the government has actually tightened the screws on the operations of NGOs," said Ngirande.

"For example, militias who were blocking NGO personnel in the villages are still on the ground. The lifting of the suspension is selective and excludes thousands of organisations either registered as trusts or universitas as well as organisations registered as PVOs (private voluntary organisations) but not doing humanitarian, development or welfare work."

Most of the organisations whose activities remain suspended are community based; their exclusion is doubly significant because bigger organisations operated mostly through their structures.

Ngirande however said this requirement was against the provisions of the law. Instead, it sounded more in line with legislation -- abandoned in 2005 that would have tightened government control of registration of NGOS and prevented them from receiving foreign funding for their work.

"It is NANGO's considered view that the new requirements essentially operationalise the contested NGO Bill of 2005, at a time when Zimbabwe requires a positive state-civil society relationship to address the devastating humanitarian conditions in the country," added Ngirande.

An official with a leading aid organisation, requesting anonymity, said militias aligned to the governing Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu PF) were barring them from independently distributing aid.

"It is now very difficult to operate. The problem is that if you voice your concern, you would be accused of working with enemies of the state, and we might be deregistered," said the official.

Among other things, NGOs are now required to operate within structures set by the government. This means food distribution will be supervised by Village and Ward Development Committees, traditional chiefs and councillors, who will also screen beneficiaries. In the past, NGOs distributed aid through their own field workers, with collaboration from local government.

"From experience, the structures set up by the government are partisan and exclude a large section of needy Zimbabweans," added the official.

The continued restrictions are affecting villagers in the country's remote districts the most. During a recent visit to outlying communities in Matabeleland South Province, IPS observed that some villagers are now surviving on wild roots and fruits as they have run out of the staple food, maize.

"For us this is hell on earth. We have tried all means possible to survive, but nothing seems to be working. They told us the ban has been lifted, but as you can see, we have not received anything. We have not been informed when we will be getting the food," said Tawana Phuti from Masendu communal lands, near the western border town of Plumtree.

Masendu, like most parts of Matabeleland South, is characterised by mostly semi-arid conditions.

"It's been days since we last had a proper meal... This year things appear to be getting out of hand. My two children dropped out of school and have since gone to South Africa to try and make ends meet. They have not started sending me groceries, but I hope they will start doing so once they have settled," said 59-year-old Lulamile Ncube, also from Masendu.

Ncube said some businesspeople and government officials were now cashing in on the villagers' plight.

"They barter their maize for livestock such as cattle and goats. One gets only three 50kg bags of maize in exchange for an animal. I have already lost three cows. We know they are cheating us, but there is nothing we can do. That's the only way we can get grain," said Ncube.

He was reluctant to name the officials who are swindling the villagers.

The plight of the villagers has become so desperate that some of them are now surviving on boiled raw paw-paw fruits.

"We peel them raw and then boil like potatoes. It tastes well; we are now used to it. The problem is that the paw-paws will soon run out," said another villager.

NANGO has called on the government to loosen the requirements for the benefit of suffering Zimbabweans.

"Given the critical role that NGOs must play in this current environment characterised by economic collapse, social distress and humanitarian crisis; NANGO urgently calls upon the Ministry of Public Service Labour and Social Welfare and other state parties to create a conducive environment for Civil Society to assist the millions of suffering Zimbabweans," the organisation said in a statement.

(END/2008)

Teachers Strike As Schools Open

By Vusumuzi Sifile

THE third school term took off to a false start on Tuesday after thousands of teachers stayed at home in yet another protest over meagre salaries they are paid by the government.

Two of the country’s leading teachers unions, the Zimbabwe Teachers’ Association (ZIMTA) and the Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) last week confirmed their members had not been reporting for duty since Tuesday. The unions, however, gave conflicting explanations for the stay away.

PTUZ Secretary General, Raymond Majongwe, said teachers were on strike, demanding a minimum salary equivalent to US$797. But the President of ZIMTA, Tendai Chikowore, chose to be diplomatic about the matter, insisting teachers were "not on strike but simply do not have the capacity to go to work".

"The teachers cannot simply afford to go to work. You can’t call that a strike," Chikowore said. "They have no capacity to report for duty. They cannot even access basic commodities."

Chikowore said they had met government representatives on Wednesday.

"We met the government on Wednesday and we reached an agreement," Chikowore said. "I cannot give you the details of the agreement. But you should know that agreeing is one thing, and paying is another. It is up to the employer to make the money available at the banks, otherwise the current situation will continue."

But Majongwe said teachers went on an indefinite strike since Tuesday, adding that the government had not shown commitment in engaging them.

"Teachers have been on strike since day one. We will not go back to work unless someone talks to us," he said. "Teachers’ salaries in Zimbabwe are a far cry of prevailing rates across the region. The government is not showing any commitment to review teachers’ salaries and working conditions. We resolved to go on strike not because we want to punish the children, but because under current circumstances we believe we cannot produce perfect students."

According to Majongwe, in August teachers earned $934 (revalued).

Majongwe said they had "scientifically determined that a teacher needs a minimum equivalent of US$797" at the prevailing parallel market rate. As of Friday, street foreign currency dealers were paying Z$250 for one US dollar, while the transfer rate was Z$4 000 for one US dollar. Majongwe said their demands were based on teachers’ salaries across the region.

"In South Africa the lowest paid teacher gets R8 300. In Zambia, teachers earn an equivalent of R7 000. In Botswana they earn P7 600. These salaries are many thousands times what our teachers here earn — about R75," said Majongwe.

In addition to the salary reviews, the PTUZ is demanding that the government should urgently "pay teachers a rescue package so that they can survive". They also want "all those who instigated and perpetrated political violence against teachers to be brought to book.

In an earlier statement on Friday, the PTUZ said a permanent solution to teachers’ woes lay in the urgent solution to the country’s political crisis.

"Political dialogue must be expedited and the will of the people must be respected. We cannot continue to run away from the truth," said the statement. "Teachers’ poor salaries are a political and governance issue. Without a veritable and sustainable resolution of the political and governance crisis, teachers will remain in perpetual poverty," he said.

Standard, 7 September 2008

NGOs Ban, Political Crisis Stall 'Basket Fund'

By Vusumuzi Sifile

THE political violence that engulfed the country after the March 29 harmonised elections and the resultant ban on the operations of non-governmental organisations has stalled the implementation of a Basket Fund that was meant to co-ordinate Gender Empowerment activities.

The fund, with more than one million Euros behind it, was initiated in 2006, following concerns that there was "duplication of effort, inefficiencies and ineffectiveness" in gender empowerment programmes.

According to Eunice Njovana, who heads the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) office in Zimbabwe, the lack of co-ordination "resulted in lack of clarity on what was happening, who was doing what, where, with whom, with what/whose support and what was being achieved"?

"The lack of a co-ordinated approach to programming also made it difficult to identify gaps and priorities in the sector, to assess the strategic value of the different efforts and to ensure that the different programmes performed to expected standards," noted Njovana.

The fund was supposed to become operational at the beginning of August, but because of the post-March 29 political crisis and the NGO ban, the implementers of the project have been forced to delay its take-off. At the earliest, the project would now be implemented next month.

The main reason for the delay, noted Women’s Coalition of Zimbabwe (WcoZ) deputy chairperson, Rutendo Hadebe, were the unforeseen political developments related to the elections. WCOZ are the main implementing partner of the project.

"Although August 1 was set as the beginning of implementation date, the whole programme and inception phase envisaged late 2007 and beginning of 2008 had not anticipated a rather unpredictable and stretched election period," said Hadebe.

Developments after the first elections in March also stalled the process. The violence which followed "made it difficult to hold consultative workshops nationwide on time".

"The process of consultative workshops began at the same time as campaigning for harmonised elections and then later, the presidential election run-off," Njovana said. "Mobilising and focusing people’s attention on the inception phase and the procedures involved in seeking authorisation to hold workshops around the country meant the process took longer. Constantly changing prices as a result of the economic environment also affected our ability to control our budget."

With women being most affected by political violence, women’s organisations also diverted their attention to focus more on assisting violence victims.

"In addition, the resulting political violence and victimisation saw women’s organisations having to take up the role of offering humanitarian support to hundreds of women victims, as opposed to continuing the inception phase which had become impossible under the then prevailing conditions," Hadebe said.

Hadebe said some of their community-based partners failed to undertake consultations for the inception phase because of the NGO ban in June. Although the ban has since been lifted, NGOs say they still cannot operate because of some "structural barriers".

As a result of the delay, the implementers are "yet to identify the grant recipients because we are still in the process of developing the project document and the systems, tools and procedures for basket fund management".

Once implemented, the fund would harmonise gender empowerment activities, supporting "a broad range of issues".

NGOs give lifting of ban cautious reception

By Vusumuzi Sifile
THE National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (Nango) yesterday said the government’s lifting of the ban on the field operations of NGOs, though a welcome move, could fail to bring about the required change because of "selective application".

The lifting of the ban — which followed complaints from MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai and US ambassador James McGee — also did not have any "tangible commitments by Government to remove the bureaucratic, security, financial and other restrictions to effective humanitarian operations", it said.

On Friday, the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare announced that the suspension of NGOs’ and private voluntary organisations (PVOs) field operations had been "lifted with immediate effect".

The lifting was for organisations involved in humanitarian assistance, food aid, relief, recovery and development, family and child care protection, care and protection of older persons, rights and empowerment of people with disabilities, HIV/Aids treatment, care and related support services.

"This suspension is hereby lifted for all PVOs/NGOs registered in terms of the PVO Act Chapter 17:05…" said the statement, signed by the Ministry’s Permanent Secretary Lance Museka. The statement added that the Ministry would tomorrow hold a meeting of all PVOs and NGOs to "clarify operation modalities".

But in response yesterday, Nango spokesperson, Fambai Ngirande said they "cautiously" welcomed the move. He said there was need for "further clarification from government".

"The lift therefore characteristically excludes organisations operating in areas such as transitional justice, human rights, governance and democracy. It also does not recognise the inseparability of Civil Society’s social, economic, cultural, political and civic responsibilities," Ngirande said.

Among other things, Ngirande said there was need for the government to "reform the PVO Act and other repressive pieces of legislation" which scuttle the operations of NGOs.

"There is need for confidence-building mechanisms to allow stronger cooperation between the State and Civil Society," Ngirande said. "This should include the retraction of unfounded statements by public officials accusing all NGOs of politicising humanitarian assistance in support of the MDC and western imperialism."

Because of the violence that rocked the country prior to and immediately after the disputed Presidential election run-off, Ngirande said the demand for food and other forms of aid had also rocketed.

"The figures have now increased; we are now talking about maybe five million who need food assistance. New work has to be done in terms of re-organising the communities," he said. "As a result of the violence, people now also need assistance for shelter, repatriation, clothing and other such basic requirements."

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said the lifting of the ban was a "positive development (which) will help ensure that neutral and impartial humanitarian assistance is provided to the people of Zimbabwe".

Activists want radical action after talks flop

By Vusumuzi Sifile

AS uncertainty continues to shroud the inter-party talks between Zanu PF and the two MDC formations, and the aftermath of the convening of Parliament, civic activists have called for "radical action" as the best possible solution out of the crisis.

On Wednesday, youth and students’ organisations met in Harare and resolved to lead a campaign of "civic disobedience". And on Thursday, a political commentator said the only "legitimate" way out for Zimbabwe was to allow Parliament to elect the President.

One of the conveners of the youth meeting, Zimbabwe National Students’ Union (Zinasu) president, Clever Bere said they resolved to mobilize youths to protest against Zanu PF’s grip on power, which he said was against the people’s will.

"We discussed many issues to do with the current political developments, trying to find alternative ways forward and try to provide leadership to the country. One of the key issues that came out is that the young people do not recognise Robert Mugabe as the legitimate president of Zimbabwe," Bere said.

Bere said the youths agreed that the official opening of Parliament last Tuesday was in breach of the Memorandum of Understanding signed by the principals of the two MDC formations and Zanu PF on 21 July. The youths were drawn from various organisations, mostly in Harare.

He said: "Indeed it was not within his mandate for Mugabe to officially open parliament until and unless there was a political settlement, political agreement and political consensus with the other parties, particularly the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) which won the elections on March 29. We will soon be launching a petition against this move."

Bere repeated the same sentiments at a public discussion on Thursday, where he said following his assumption of the chairmanship of the Southern Africa Development Community (Sadc), SA President Thabo Mbeki could not continue as mediator in the talks as there was now a clash of interest.

"Being the Sadc chairman, Mbeki cannot continue in his role as a Sadc mediator. The mediator has to report to someone in Sadc, and being at the helm, this means Mbeki now has to report to himself. This compromises the whole process," Bere said.

Speaking during the same discussion, a political commentator from the National University of Science and Technology (Nust), Dr Themba Dlodlo said under the current crisis, Parliament should be allowed to sit as an electoral college and choose a President. "We need to have a solution to this. This crisis must end. Why not give power to Parliament to choose a President? We cannot move forward in a situation where the governing party has a minority, and the opposition has a majority," Dlodlo said.

The inter-party talks proposed that the current parliament would only last for a limited time frame leading to fresh elections. This arrangement, said Dlodlo, may still not work.

"We cannot go back into an election to solve a problem which was in the first place created by an election," he said. "Parliament is the only legitimate body at the moment that was elected fairly. The presidential election was disputed. I propose Parliament should be given a role to choose a President and Prime Minister if there is to be such a role, and have their roles clearly separated."

Prominent Harare pastor who is also a human rights activist, Bishop Ancelimo Magaya, said the crisis was now "a spiritual issue" that could only be solved through "prophetic action".

"I believe at some point Zimbabwe will be able to recognize the supremacy of God. A power-sharing arrangement can actually worsen, rather than solve the crisis," Magaya said.

Last year, Magaya called on members of the Zimbabwe National Pastors' Conference (ZNPC) to March to the President’s Office in protest. The march did not take place.

Govbt officials accused of stealing donated food

By Vusumuzi Sifile

THE United States government is demanding reimbursement for food aid that was allegedly stolen by government officials and police officers in June when the government banned the operations of humanitarian non-governmental organisations.

This emerged in a letter to the Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare, Nicholas Goche by the American Ambassador to Zimbabwe, James D McGee on August 25, 2008.

"We need to urgently finalise the outstanding matter of the theft of 20 metric tonnes of US Government donated food by Zimbabwean government officials at the Bambazonke police station on June 6," wrote McGee.

The move could worsen already simmering tensions between the two countries, as the government — indicates McGee’s letter — denied responsibility "for the disappearance of the stolen food and therefore not financially responsible for reimbursement of the commodities".

McGee insists that government is responsible. "Because the Governor (of Manicaland at the time, Tinaye Chigudu), police and military officers were directly involved in the events that transpired, responsibility for the theft does rest with the government of Zimbabwe," he said.

"We again request your assistance to obtain a police report of the incident and to correct this matter through financial reimbursement of the stolen food."

When the government banned the field work by humanitarian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) on June 4, it argued that some of them were meddling in the country’s internal affairs.

Attempts to get a comment from Goche were fruitless. But in a televised statement on Friday, his Ministry announced that the ban had been lifted.

"The government has with immediate effect lifted the suspension of operations of private voluntary organisations and NGOs," said the statement.

It could not be immediately established if the lifting of the ban was in direct response to McGee’s letter, and another one by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai on Thursday.

In his letter McGee said the "draconian ban has turned an already dire situation into a potentially catastrophic one".

On Thursday, Tsvangirai appealed to Goche to lift the ban. He said the continued ban was against the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Zanu PF and the two MDC formations on July 21.

"The effect of the MoU and the joint statement signed by all parties was obviously understood to mean your letter banning NGOs from providing food aid and associated relief was immediately revoked," Tsvangirai said.

The MDC leader said the situation had become so critical that there was "rampant starvation throughout the country".

"In the circumstances, I appeal to you to immediately address a letter to all NGOs unequivocally countermanding your instruction, to allow urgently needed humanitarian work to be carried out in the country. Such a letter is obviously within the spirit of the MoU, our joint statement and indeed in the interest of every Zimbabwean.

In The Standard on August 31