By Vusumuzi Sifile and Caiphas Chimhete
PERVASIVE fear, suspicion and general mistrust still hound villagers who suffered political violence by Zanu PF youth militias after President Robert Mugabe’s defeat in the March election.
Memories of savage killings, torture and intimidation are still fresh in their minds.
Many are still nursing deep wounds inflicted on them by neighbours for voting against Mugabe in favour of MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai.
Villagers still treat strangers and even their neighbours with outright suspicion.
"I don’t discuss politics with anyone even my friends because I don’t know how these talks will end," said an elderly Chiweshe villager, who cannot named for security reasons.
"If the talks break down, the killers may come back and wipe us out."
The villagers in Chaona in Chiweshe district of Mashonaland Central saw several suspected MDC supporters killed.
Some lost limbs, homes and livestock to their neighbours.
While there appears to be, generally, a commitment from members of the public to reconcile and co-exist in some parts of the country, there is still suspicion between victims and perpetrators of violence.
These views emerged during recent interactions with villagers from different parts of the country. The villagers said there had been a significant decline in political violence.
“A number of people who had fled the village are now back,” said Nathaniel Zhou, who said he was from Chitekete in Gokwe North.
“There are still a few pockets of enmity here and there, but generally, we are living together as one people. We have forgiven each other as brothers.”
Even a Gokwe-based pastor acknowledges the challenges of co-existence.
“We have had some very complex scenarios where the clashes were between members of our church. Getting them to attend services together is now a challenge. We have engaged community members, in collaboration with other churches and some civil society organisations. While in most cases a great deal has been achieved, we have had some people vowing never to live “nema chinja” (MDC supporters),” said the Pastor, who asked not to be identified.
Another victim of political violence from Zaka in Masvingo province, who can only be identified as Norman, said living in the same village with the killers of his best friend, Krison Mbano, was a nightmare.
Mbano together with Washington Nyamwa were killed after an MDC district office was doused with petrol and set alight by known Zanu PF supporters in June.
“They can’t look into my eye for they know what they did. I feel I am betraying my friend by letting them roam around,” he said. “They should face justice. I can’t forgive them.”
Other victims of Mugabe’s scorched earth policy have not returned to their homes despite the two MDCs and Zanu PF signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on July 21, which, among other things, called for the cessation of political violence.
The parties called “upon all our supporters and members and any organs and structures under the direction and control of our respective parties to stop the perpetration of violence in any form”.
They also called on people who were displaced when Mugabe embarked on his campaign to ensure victory on June 27 to return home. The 84-year-old leader contested alone after Tsvangirai withdrew from the race citing excessive violence against his supporters and officials by Mugabe’s loyalists, mostly youth militias, self-styled war veterans and state security agents.
Hundreds of MDC officials and supporters have not returned to their homes fearing retribution from militias loyal to the fist-waving president.
The MDC last week said its supporters, including elected legislators and councillors, were still in hiding as rogue Zanu PF elements continued to terrorise them, especially in rural areas, a direct violation of the talks and the MoU.
MDC director of information, Luke Tamborinyoka, said although political violence had generally subsided, there were still areas where youth militias were terrorising opposition supporters and even preventing them from returning to their homes.
He said the most volatile areas included Mutoko and Murehwa in Mashonaland East, Makoni and Buhera in Manicaland, and Gokwe in the Midlands.
The MDC cited more than 2 000 detentions, over 200 000 internally displaced, and in excess of 10 000 of its supporters injured and maimed as a result of Zanu PF-orchestrated violence.
At least 5 000 MDC supporters, mainly polling agents and council candidates, are thought to be missing or unaccounted for.
Some 10 MPs-elect and councillors, said Tamborinyoka, were still in hiding or could not access their areas.
“In some areas, the situation is still very tense and some people are still coming to our offices looking for their missing relatives and friends,” he said.
The MDC said some 125 opposition activists had died since the March 29 harmonised elections.
The MDC spokesman for Manicaland, Pishai Muchauraya, said self-styled war veterans were still waging a violent campaign against his party supporters in the province.
Muchauraya said Buhera South was the worst affected area as the war veterans were “terrorising the area and brutalising our supporters”.
MDC MP-elect for Buhera South, Naison Nemadziva, remains in hiding in Mutare, after threats to his life.
In Makoni South, said Muchauraya, Chief Chiduku was demanding a $50 fine from all MDC supporters in Ward 28 for what he called “over-excitement” after the March elections.
“Anyone who does not pay that money will be evicted from all villages under Chief Chiduku,” said Muchauraya.
Chief Chiduku could not be reached for comment. He is a prominent Zanu PF stalwart, appointed to the Senate by Mugabe in 2005.
Zanu PF spokesperson Nathan Shamuyarira was also not available for comment.
Wednesday, August 27, 2008
Why Tsvangirai refused to sign
By Vusumuzi Sifile
THE lid on the power-sharing agreement between Zanu PF and the MDC was blown off yesterday as a leaked document revealed for the first time that President Robert Mugabe would have remained both as head of State and head of government in a new arrangement sanctioned by Sadc leaders.
THE lid on the power-sharing agreement between Zanu PF and the MDC was blown off yesterday as a leaked document revealed for the first time that President Robert Mugabe would have remained both as head of State and head of government in a new arrangement sanctioned by Sadc leaders.
The regional leaders, led by South African President Thabo Mbeki, reportedly pressured MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai to sign "the deal", and after failing to do so, gave Mugabe the go-ahead to convene parliament.
Their blessing, which allows Mugabe to preside over the opening of parliament on Tuesday, ran contrary to the spirit and letter of the Memorandum of Understanding signed by the negotiating parties.
Both parties pledged the convening of parliament would only be done through consensus.
Leaked documents and information gathered from various sources show that the unsuccessful deal, far from ensuring a changing political landscape favouring Tsvangirai who polled the most votes in March 29 elections, would have entrenched Mugabe’s grip on power.
The documents show this 50-50 power arrangement was clearly in favour of Mugabe who would remain Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and head of government as well as head of state.
Tsvangirai refused to sign the agreement nearly two weeks ago in order to "reflect and consult".
Sources have revealed that top among Tsvangirai’s worries was paragraph 2 of the document titled Role of the Prime Minister.
While the paragraph stipulated that the prime minister would carry the responsibility to oversee the formulation of policies by the Cabinet, it also spelt out that Tsvangirai would not be the man in charge — he would only be "a Member of the Cabinet and its Deputy Chairperson".
This arrangement left Mugabe, in accordance with the Zimbabwe constitution, as the head of Cabinet.
To make matters worse for Tsvangirai, who had insisted that he heads the cabinet, according paragraph 11 he would "report regularly to the president".
Sources say Tsvangirai is said to have strongly disagreed with such a provision that would have left him without adequate authority to engineer economic recovery and overcome repression.
Tsvangirai would find himself undermined if his authority is not spelt out because if things go wrong, he would be blamed.
Tsvangirai also could not discipline ministers under such an arrangement, as he could only “make recommendations on such disciplinary measures as may be necessary.”
The president and the prime minister, say the documents — confirmed as authentic by different sources close to the talks — “will agree on the allocation of ministries between them for the purpose of day-to-day supervision”.
That also meant that Tsvangirai would not be in effective charge of government.
The president, our sources said, would retain broad powers to declare a state of emergency, declare war or make peace and to grant amnesty.
Mugabe would also retain control of the Joint Operations Command (JOC) which would remain in place, save for a change in name. Tsvangirai would play second fiddle to Mugabe.
“The prime minister shall serve as a member of the National Security Council and this will ensure his participation in deliberations on matters of national security and operations pertaining thereto,” say the documents.
Sources say Tsvangirai decided to take time to reflect on such an arrangement after failing to ensure that Mugabe would take a back seat in governance issues.
“Tsvangirai wanted an additional paragraph that would have effectively made the president (Mugabe) ceremonial,” said the source.
“The other negotiators however turned down his request, arguing that this was a 50-50 power-sharing deal.”
Sources close to the talks said yesterday under that agreement, Tsvangirai felt he would be more a senior minister in Mugabe’s cabinet than a prime minister.
“He noticed that Mugabe remained the head of the chain of command in cabinet, so why should he agree to be prime minister under these circumstances? A prime minister should simply be in charge,” said a source.
Another source said Tsvangirai had hoped that both the prime minister and president’s powers would be drawn from a transitional constitution but was dismayed after noting that Mugabe would remain with his old sweeping powers intact.
Tsvangirai would in that situation find himself undermined at every turn.
First published in The Standard on August 24, with some unsolicited additions from Walter Marwizi
Saturday, August 23, 2008
The City of "Passport Size" Ablutions
By Ephraim Nsingo
HARARE, Jul 31 (IPS) - The City Council of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second
largest city, has issued a warning to residents of a possible outbreak of
disease following a massive cut in the city's water supply. This is the
first time in Bulawayo's history such a health warning has been issued.
"Water will be available for seven hours in every two days and during that
time people are advised to fill their containers and cover them up. The City
Council is aware that water cuts may result in the outbreak of diseases, and
we wish to advise members of the public to take preventive measures," said
council spokesperson Phathisa Nyathi recently.
The water shortage has been ascribed to drought, a burgeoning population and
the lack of co-operation between the City Council and the Zimbabwe National
Water Authority (ZINWA) -- a parastatal.
Bulawayo is the capital city of Matabeleland, a southern region that has for
decades been prone to droughts. When the last of its five dams was completed
in 1979, the city had a population of around 250,000 and the City Council
could manage the needs of residents and factories.
However, those same five dams are unable to cope with the requirements of
the 1.5 million people who now live in Bulawayo. And, while authorities have
in recent months introduced strict water-rationing measures, these have
failed to stop the water crisis from becoming the worst in the city's
history.
Earlier this month, the council was forced to decommission the Lower Ncema
dam because it ran dry. Two other dams, the Upper Ncema and the Umzingwane,
had already been decommissioned for the same reason.
Officials have warned that Inyankuni will be also decommissioned soon, as it
is only about a tenth full. This would leave the Insiza dam as the last
water reservoir for the city.
Insiza is Bulawayo's largest dam, with a capacity of just over 173 million
cubic metres. Currently, it is standing at slightly above 88 million cubic
metres; according to Nyathi, this means that "Collectively, the city's
supply dams are only 24 percent full, which is worrisome."
Bulawayo needs about 120,000 cubic metres of water per day, but at the time of writing had the capacity to pump only 69,000 cubic metres. This figure is expected to drop to 46,000 in October when the Inyankuni dam is decommissioned.
Eighty boreholes were sunk during the last major drought in the early 1990s. But, these fall far short of meeting the residents' requirements, especially since most of them are no longer operational.
The water crisis is having a significant effect on the way most people in Bulawayo go about their daily lives. The upper and middle classes are coping with water restrictions reasonably well, but the overwhelming majority of people living in the vast shanty towns that have swollen the city's
population in recent years are struggling.
Residents of some of the poorer suburbs now have to walk long distances to the nearest borehole to draw water, while profiteers exploit their plight by selling water at exorbitant prices.
For many, bathing has become a luxury as they reserve the little available water for other uses. Instead of bathing, they now perform what is known as a "passport size", wiping the face and other essentials with a damp towel.
"With the way things are going, it is very unlikely we will get any supplies (of water)," said Memory Ndlovu of Emakhandeni suburb. "We now have to walk all the way to Old Luveve where there is a borehole, but even the borehole sometimes runs dry, as it serves people from (several other suburbs). Something has to be done urgently otherwise a disaster is looming here."
People in Emakhandeni say water cuts have exceeded the time periods indicated by the City Council. "They told us the water shedding would be for many hours, but now it's turning out to be many days," noted another resident, Thabiso Ncube.
The current crisis could exert pressure on the Bulawayo City Council to allow ZINWA to take over the city's water and sewerage system. From the beginning of the year, there has been fierce resistance to this proposed takeover, with both politicians and residents arguing that water management should remain in the hands of council.
ZINWA has already taken over Harare's water management system and has not proved to be very effective in the country's capital.
If ZINWA were to assume control of Bulawayo's water, however, it might open the way for the city to tap the idle Mtshabezi dam or the Nyamandlovu Aquifer -- two reservoirs are under ZINWA management.
A 33-kilometre long pipeline between the Mtshabezi dam and Bulawayo's existing Ncema system appears to be the most viable short-term solution. But even that option would take several months to implement.
The obvious long-term solutions to the water shortage would include the
construction of new, larger dams and the laying of a water pipeline from the
Zambezi River to Bulawayo. These solutions would, however, require a
considerable investment -- unimaginable in the country's present situation.
Zimbabwe is battling economic difficulties that have seen inflation climb to four digits, widespread job losses and shortages of essential goods such as fuel. This is taking place in the midst of a political crisis characterised by clampdowns on opposition members, rights activists and the media by the government of President Robert Mugabe.
HARARE, Jul 31 (IPS) - The City Council of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second
largest city, has issued a warning to residents of a possible outbreak of
disease following a massive cut in the city's water supply. This is the
first time in Bulawayo's history such a health warning has been issued.
"Water will be available for seven hours in every two days and during that
time people are advised to fill their containers and cover them up. The City
Council is aware that water cuts may result in the outbreak of diseases, and
we wish to advise members of the public to take preventive measures," said
council spokesperson Phathisa Nyathi recently.
The water shortage has been ascribed to drought, a burgeoning population and
the lack of co-operation between the City Council and the Zimbabwe National
Water Authority (ZINWA) -- a parastatal.
Bulawayo is the capital city of Matabeleland, a southern region that has for
decades been prone to droughts. When the last of its five dams was completed
in 1979, the city had a population of around 250,000 and the City Council
could manage the needs of residents and factories.
However, those same five dams are unable to cope with the requirements of
the 1.5 million people who now live in Bulawayo. And, while authorities have
in recent months introduced strict water-rationing measures, these have
failed to stop the water crisis from becoming the worst in the city's
history.
Earlier this month, the council was forced to decommission the Lower Ncema
dam because it ran dry. Two other dams, the Upper Ncema and the Umzingwane,
had already been decommissioned for the same reason.
Officials have warned that Inyankuni will be also decommissioned soon, as it
is only about a tenth full. This would leave the Insiza dam as the last
water reservoir for the city.
Insiza is Bulawayo's largest dam, with a capacity of just over 173 million
cubic metres. Currently, it is standing at slightly above 88 million cubic
metres; according to Nyathi, this means that "Collectively, the city's
supply dams are only 24 percent full, which is worrisome."
Bulawayo needs about 120,000 cubic metres of water per day, but at the time of writing had the capacity to pump only 69,000 cubic metres. This figure is expected to drop to 46,000 in October when the Inyankuni dam is decommissioned.
Eighty boreholes were sunk during the last major drought in the early 1990s. But, these fall far short of meeting the residents' requirements, especially since most of them are no longer operational.
The water crisis is having a significant effect on the way most people in Bulawayo go about their daily lives. The upper and middle classes are coping with water restrictions reasonably well, but the overwhelming majority of people living in the vast shanty towns that have swollen the city's
population in recent years are struggling.
Residents of some of the poorer suburbs now have to walk long distances to the nearest borehole to draw water, while profiteers exploit their plight by selling water at exorbitant prices.
For many, bathing has become a luxury as they reserve the little available water for other uses. Instead of bathing, they now perform what is known as a "passport size", wiping the face and other essentials with a damp towel.
"With the way things are going, it is very unlikely we will get any supplies (of water)," said Memory Ndlovu of Emakhandeni suburb. "We now have to walk all the way to Old Luveve where there is a borehole, but even the borehole sometimes runs dry, as it serves people from (several other suburbs). Something has to be done urgently otherwise a disaster is looming here."
People in Emakhandeni say water cuts have exceeded the time periods indicated by the City Council. "They told us the water shedding would be for many hours, but now it's turning out to be many days," noted another resident, Thabiso Ncube.
The current crisis could exert pressure on the Bulawayo City Council to allow ZINWA to take over the city's water and sewerage system. From the beginning of the year, there has been fierce resistance to this proposed takeover, with both politicians and residents arguing that water management should remain in the hands of council.
ZINWA has already taken over Harare's water management system and has not proved to be very effective in the country's capital.
If ZINWA were to assume control of Bulawayo's water, however, it might open the way for the city to tap the idle Mtshabezi dam or the Nyamandlovu Aquifer -- two reservoirs are under ZINWA management.
A 33-kilometre long pipeline between the Mtshabezi dam and Bulawayo's existing Ncema system appears to be the most viable short-term solution. But even that option would take several months to implement.
The obvious long-term solutions to the water shortage would include the
construction of new, larger dams and the laying of a water pipeline from the
Zambezi River to Bulawayo. These solutions would, however, require a
considerable investment -- unimaginable in the country's present situation.
Zimbabwe is battling economic difficulties that have seen inflation climb to four digits, widespread job losses and shortages of essential goods such as fuel. This is taking place in the midst of a political crisis characterised by clampdowns on opposition members, rights activists and the media by the government of President Robert Mugabe.
RIGHTS-ZIMBABWE: Government Blocks Aid for Six Million In Need
By Ephraim Nsingo
Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU-PF party has added hunger to its campaign to win a June 27 presidential run-off election.
HARARE, Jun 18 (IPS) - Sixty-six year old Gogo Lethiwe Ncube gazes at a distant truck cruising towards the Avoca Shopping Centre in Insiza, Matabeleland South Province and starts smiling.
"Why does that vehicle not appear to have a long aerial on it?" she asks, shading her eyes to get a better look at the speeding Toyota. On realising that the truck truly does not have a long radio antenna, the smile on Gogo Ncube's face suddenly disappears.
The antennas are meant to keep aid workers in touch with their colleagues, but for Gogo Ncube and other residents of rural Matabeleland South, they have another function: they announce that relief supplies have arrived -- they are found only on food aid trucks.
One of the people at the shopping centre informs Gogo Ncube that she's unlikely to see the cars with long aerials in the village before the elections scheduled for the end of June, on the orders of the government.
After several minutes of silence and pondering, she finally opens up and says: "It has been over a month now since we last had supplies from World Vision. They should be arriving any time from now. If they do not come, then I will die. Who will give me food? How will I feed my three grand children? What will I give to the sick girl?"
The list of her worries seems endless. Gogo Ncube lives with her three grandchildren – Themba (9), Mandla (7) and Bongiwe (4). The three youngsters were orphaned three years ago when their parents died of AIDS-related sickness within a month of each other. The youngest of the three, Bongiwe, is also sick from what Gogo Ncube says "is the same as what took my son and his wife."
Gogo Ncube is one of many villagers in Matabeleland South -- a drought-stricken province in the southern part of Zimbabwe -- who have been left helpless by the government's suspension of non-governmental organisations that carry out field operations in rural areas. Most people in this semi-arid region have for the last few years survived only thanks to food aid from agencies like the World Food Programme, Care International, and World Vision. Every month, each household receives 50 kilogrammes of maize, 25 kg of barley, 2 litres of cooking oil, 5 kg of beans and 500 g of salt.
Most able-bodied people of working age have left the Avoca village to try their fortunes panning gold in the Insiza and Umzingwane Rivers, about 25 and 40 kilometres to the west of the village respectively. Others have crossed into South Africa in search of work. Those left behind explain how they have managed to survive on relief food from international humanitarian organisations for the past five years.
Last year, the World Food Programme (WFP) said that more than four million Zimbabweans relied on food aid, and following the failure of the last growing season the number is likely to increase. Zimbabwean civil society organisations, among them Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe (ROHR Zimbabwe) -- a human rights organisation established in 2006 and involved mostly in humanitarian work -- say more than six million Zimbabweans are currently in need of food following the failure of crops in the last farming season.
But in a circular to non-governmental organisations dated June 4, Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare Minister Nicholas Goche said "a number of NGOs involved in humanitarian operations are breaching the terms and conditions of their registration".
"As the regulatory authority, before proceeding with the provision of Section (10) sub-Section (c) of the Private Voluntary Organisations Act (Chapter 17:05), I hereby instruct all PVOs/ NGOs to suspend all field operations until further notice."
Goche was later quoted in the state-run Herald newspaper saying NGOs were using food aid to meddle in Zimbabwe's politics, and that some of them were campaigning for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai who faces the incumbent Robert Mugabe on June 27 in a run-off presidential election.
The National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO), which represents both local and international NGOs operating in Zimbabwe, denies the government's claims.
"Different organisations have codes of conduct. This code of conduct bars an organisation or anyone acting on its behalf to engage in political activities," said NANGO spokesperson, Fambai Ngirande.
"This will leave thousands of people without any source of food, thereby condemning them to starvation. This is a contravention of the PVO Act that protects the rights of the NGOs. The country at the moment does not have the capacity to feed its population. What is sad is that the ban will affect the most innocent of the country's citizens."
But in an interview with IPS, Goche appeared relentless about the ban. "Some of these organisations were capitalising on the plight of our people to campaign for the opposition. It is not true that there is starvation in the rural areas. In fact, the situation has now improved as the government is now handling all food distribution through our local government structures," said Goche.
Food aid is now being distributed by traditional chiefs and headmen, who are viewed by the opposition and civil society organisations as being mostly supporters of the governing Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF).
MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said his party had irrefutable evidence that ZANU-PF was now distributing food only to its supporters. "This is yet another desperate attempt by ZANU PF to reverse the people's will as expressed on March 29. War veterans and ZANU PF militias have virtually taken over food distribution in rural areas, and our supporters are being forced to first denounce the MDC before they can get aid," said Chamisa.
The ban could also render hundreds of Zimbabweans jobless. A week after the ban, a Care International official said they had recalled more than 300 of the organisation’s field workers in Chivi, Mberengwa, Shurugwi, Gutu, Zaka, and Bikita.
ROHR Zimbabwe deputy President Stendrick Zvorwadza said the ban on humanitarian aid organisations was unlawful and an attempt by the government to shut out dissenting voices.
"Humanitarian organisations are being closed at a time when people in Zimbabwe need humanitarian aid more than ever. More than 6 million Zimbabweans are in need of food aid; thousands have been internally displaced by ZANU PF violence and homes have been burnt therefore effectively terminating their hopes of livelihood. People living with HIV/AIDS were depending on NGOs for access to anti-retroviral drugs which are not easily available in Government hospitals and clinics," said Zvorwadza.
Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU-PF party has added hunger to its campaign to win a June 27 presidential run-off election.
HARARE, Jun 18 (IPS) - Sixty-six year old Gogo Lethiwe Ncube gazes at a distant truck cruising towards the Avoca Shopping Centre in Insiza, Matabeleland South Province and starts smiling.
"Why does that vehicle not appear to have a long aerial on it?" she asks, shading her eyes to get a better look at the speeding Toyota. On realising that the truck truly does not have a long radio antenna, the smile on Gogo Ncube's face suddenly disappears.
The antennas are meant to keep aid workers in touch with their colleagues, but for Gogo Ncube and other residents of rural Matabeleland South, they have another function: they announce that relief supplies have arrived -- they are found only on food aid trucks.
One of the people at the shopping centre informs Gogo Ncube that she's unlikely to see the cars with long aerials in the village before the elections scheduled for the end of June, on the orders of the government.
After several minutes of silence and pondering, she finally opens up and says: "It has been over a month now since we last had supplies from World Vision. They should be arriving any time from now. If they do not come, then I will die. Who will give me food? How will I feed my three grand children? What will I give to the sick girl?"
The list of her worries seems endless. Gogo Ncube lives with her three grandchildren – Themba (9), Mandla (7) and Bongiwe (4). The three youngsters were orphaned three years ago when their parents died of AIDS-related sickness within a month of each other. The youngest of the three, Bongiwe, is also sick from what Gogo Ncube says "is the same as what took my son and his wife."
Gogo Ncube is one of many villagers in Matabeleland South -- a drought-stricken province in the southern part of Zimbabwe -- who have been left helpless by the government's suspension of non-governmental organisations that carry out field operations in rural areas. Most people in this semi-arid region have for the last few years survived only thanks to food aid from agencies like the World Food Programme, Care International, and World Vision. Every month, each household receives 50 kilogrammes of maize, 25 kg of barley, 2 litres of cooking oil, 5 kg of beans and 500 g of salt.
Most able-bodied people of working age have left the Avoca village to try their fortunes panning gold in the Insiza and Umzingwane Rivers, about 25 and 40 kilometres to the west of the village respectively. Others have crossed into South Africa in search of work. Those left behind explain how they have managed to survive on relief food from international humanitarian organisations for the past five years.
Last year, the World Food Programme (WFP) said that more than four million Zimbabweans relied on food aid, and following the failure of the last growing season the number is likely to increase. Zimbabwean civil society organisations, among them Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe (ROHR Zimbabwe) -- a human rights organisation established in 2006 and involved mostly in humanitarian work -- say more than six million Zimbabweans are currently in need of food following the failure of crops in the last farming season.
But in a circular to non-governmental organisations dated June 4, Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare Minister Nicholas Goche said "a number of NGOs involved in humanitarian operations are breaching the terms and conditions of their registration".
"As the regulatory authority, before proceeding with the provision of Section (10) sub-Section (c) of the Private Voluntary Organisations Act (Chapter 17:05), I hereby instruct all PVOs/ NGOs to suspend all field operations until further notice."
Goche was later quoted in the state-run Herald newspaper saying NGOs were using food aid to meddle in Zimbabwe's politics, and that some of them were campaigning for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai who faces the incumbent Robert Mugabe on June 27 in a run-off presidential election.
The National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO), which represents both local and international NGOs operating in Zimbabwe, denies the government's claims.
"Different organisations have codes of conduct. This code of conduct bars an organisation or anyone acting on its behalf to engage in political activities," said NANGO spokesperson, Fambai Ngirande.
"This will leave thousands of people without any source of food, thereby condemning them to starvation. This is a contravention of the PVO Act that protects the rights of the NGOs. The country at the moment does not have the capacity to feed its population. What is sad is that the ban will affect the most innocent of the country's citizens."
But in an interview with IPS, Goche appeared relentless about the ban. "Some of these organisations were capitalising on the plight of our people to campaign for the opposition. It is not true that there is starvation in the rural areas. In fact, the situation has now improved as the government is now handling all food distribution through our local government structures," said Goche.
Food aid is now being distributed by traditional chiefs and headmen, who are viewed by the opposition and civil society organisations as being mostly supporters of the governing Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF).
MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said his party had irrefutable evidence that ZANU-PF was now distributing food only to its supporters. "This is yet another desperate attempt by ZANU PF to reverse the people's will as expressed on March 29. War veterans and ZANU PF militias have virtually taken over food distribution in rural areas, and our supporters are being forced to first denounce the MDC before they can get aid," said Chamisa.
The ban could also render hundreds of Zimbabweans jobless. A week after the ban, a Care International official said they had recalled more than 300 of the organisation’s field workers in Chivi, Mberengwa, Shurugwi, Gutu, Zaka, and Bikita.
ROHR Zimbabwe deputy President Stendrick Zvorwadza said the ban on humanitarian aid organisations was unlawful and an attempt by the government to shut out dissenting voices.
"Humanitarian organisations are being closed at a time when people in Zimbabwe need humanitarian aid more than ever. More than 6 million Zimbabweans are in need of food aid; thousands have been internally displaced by ZANU PF violence and homes have been burnt therefore effectively terminating their hopes of livelihood. People living with HIV/AIDS were depending on NGOs for access to anti-retroviral drugs which are not easily available in Government hospitals and clinics," said Zvorwadza.
POLITICS-ZIMBABWE: "Getting People Participating Is a Process, Not an Event"
By Ephraim Nsingo
HARARE, Jun 19 (IPS) - Amidst the turmoil surrounding the Jun. 27 presidential run-off in Zimbabwe, it is doubtless something of a challenge to muster enthusiasm for plans relating to the country's next general elections. Gender activists intent on having more women voted into office in 2013 are undaunted, however.
"We now need to take a systematic approach and start preparing for the next elections. We are confident from our experience in this election that more women will come up," said Luta Shaba, executive director of the Women's Trust, in reference to the ballot held Mar. 29. The trust is a non-governmental organisation (NGO) based in Zimbabwe's capital, Harare.
"A number have already written to us seeking assistance and guidance on how they can be involved as observers and polling agents in the run-off election. The big challenge now is to keep the momentum and maintain their confidence," she told IPS.
The efforts of the trust form part of 'Women Can Still Do It!', a continuation of the 'Women Can Do It!' campaign that was launched last year to encourage more women to participate in the recent elections as candidates, voters, polling agents and observers -- overcoming the view that politics is essentially a male domain.
"We have already started working with women at grassroots levels and running adverts on radio, television and (in) newspapers. Our campaign has somehow slowed down because of what is happening now...After this (the run-off) we will intensify our operations at all levels, especially at the grassroots, empowering women to empower others," said Shaba.
According to the former director of the Women in Politics Support Unit (WiPSU), Rutendo Hadebe, "This election has given us an opportunity to revisit our strategies to see what worked and what did not work, and use those (that worked) as a foundation for future efforts." WiPSU is an NGO headquartered in Harare.
Noted Netsai Mushonga, co-ordinator of the Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe, "We will keep pushing; this is an ongoing process which we believe will pay off some day. Our democracy is still very young, and I believe with time we will attain our targets in terms of equitable gender representation in government."
The Harare-based coalition is an umbrella group for women's organisations in Zimbabwe.
Elections across the board
This year's elections saw votes cast for the presidency, the upper and lower houses of parliament (the Senate and House of Assembly), and local councils.
No women contested the presidency.
Figures provided by WiPSU show that female candidates won 21* of the 60 Senate seats in play (35 percent). An additional 33 seats are reserved for a group that comprises the president and deputy president of the Council of Chiefs, 16 other traditional chiefs (elected separately), 10 provincial governors and five senators representing special interests. Women do not figure among the new contingent of chiefs in the upper house; provincial governors and senators for special interests are appointed by the president.
During the last Senate elections, in November 2005, women won 21 of the 50 seats that could be contested (42 percent), and were appointed to two of the 16 seats up for nomination, giving them control of just under 35 percent of the upper house.
The House of Assembly comprises 210 seats, 207 of which were contested Mar. 29, when 34 women won their races. By-elections for the three remaining seats -- Gwanda South, Pelandaba-Mpopoma and Redcliff -- will take place later this month alongside the presidential run-off. With one female candidate competing in the Gwanda South constituency, women may marginally increase the proportion of seats in the lower house that they currently occupy: about 16 percent.
The outcome as regards the House of Assembly was reminiscent of the March 2005 polls for the office, in which women won 20 seats and were appointed to a further four; this amounted to 16 percent of positions in the lower house, which then comprised 120 elected members and 30 nominees.
Under a constitutional amendment, the Senate and House of Assembly were enlarged in 2007.
Of the 1,902 local government seats, about 16.6 percent were captured by women Mar. 29 (315 women won local office). At the time of publication IPS was unable to obtain gender-related statistics for the previous local elections; prior to the Mar. 29 vote, polls for urban and rural councils were held separately -- the last urban local election in 2002, and rural polls in 2006.
Overall, figures which are available show that Zimbabwe's governing institutions have some way to go in meeting local aspirations for the administration to reflect the fact that women make up about half the population in the country -- and also in fulfilling regional goals. In 1997, the Southern African Development Community, to which Zimbabwe belongs, set a target of having 30 percent of decision-making posts in member nations occupied by women, by 2005. This target has since been adjusted to 50 percent of posts.
"There is a temptation to have a pessimistic response to the results, considering that there has not been a positive change in the representation percentages," said Shaba.
"But from an advocacy perspective, we are on the right track...If you compare the number of women who contested and their performance, we have made great strides," she added.
"Getting people participating is a process, not an event."
Of the 198 candidates who ran for the Senate this year, 64 were women (32.3 percent); in 2005, there were 25 women among the 90 Senate aspirants (just below 28 percent of the total).
In the case of the lower house, 118 of the 775 candidates who vied for seats Mar. 29 were women (15.2 percent) -- compared to 58 of the 272 candidates (21.3 percent) on the ballot in 2005.
Concerning local government polls, 661 of the 3,831 aspirants who ran this year were women (just over 17 percent).
Climate of fear
There is widespread concern about the presidential run-off, which pits long time head of state Robert Mugabe against Morgan Tsvangirai, head of the larger faction of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Zimbabwean law requires a second round of polling in the event that no candidate wins more than half the vote in the first round of elections for the presidency. The MDC claimed that Tsvangirai narrowly won the Mar. 29 presidential ballot; however, official results indicate that he captured 47.9 percent of the vote, against 43.2 percent for Mugabe. Delays in issuing these results prompted fears of vote rigging on the part of government.
Extensive physical abuse and other harassment of opposition supporters have led observers and rights activists to declare that a fair election in Zimbabwe is all but impossible under present circumstances. The main faction of the MDC claims that 70 of its supporters, or their relatives, have been killed and thousands more injured in violence aimed at keeping Mugabe in power.
A Jun. 9 report by the New York-based Human Rights Watch, '"Bullets for Each of You": State-Sponsored Violence since Zimbabwe's March 29 Elections', notes that "The violence has been particularly concentrated in former rural strongholds of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) -- areas that to the party's shock voted for the MDC in the parliamentary and first-round presidential elections."
"ZANU-PF officials and 'war veterans' are beating, torturing and mutilating suspected MDC activists and supporters in hundreds of base camps, many of them army bases, established across the provinces as local operations centers," the report states.
Amidst other allegations, it also accuses the party and its supporters of being "...engaged in a campaign of looting and destruction, slaughtering animals, stealing food and property, and burning down homesteads."
The run-up to the Mar. 29 polls was marred by similar irregularities, echoing the pattern of earlier presidential and parliamentary elections. As IPS reported, opposition supporters and rights activists were harassed and abused, and questions raised about the voters' roll -- while state broadcasting services were biased in favour of ZANU-PF and food aid allegedly manipulated, amongst other problems (see POLITICS-ZIMBABWE: "The Election Will Not Be Free and Fair").
Earlier this month, Zimbabwe's government accused aid groups of political interference and ordered them to suspend their activities; while a number of groups have since been allowed to resume work, the suspension has prompted renewed fears about the use of food aid as a political weapon.
According to figures on the website of the World Food Programme, 45 percent of the country's population is malnourished. Years of political and economic difficulties have also left the nation with shortages of other basic goods, runaway inflation, joblessness and widespread poverty.
The Mar. 29 polls saw ZANU-PF lose control of the House of Assembly for the first time in Zimbabwe's post-independence history: the former ruling party won 97 seats in the house and MDC-Tsvangirai 99 seats, while a smaller MDC faction headed by Arthur Mutambara took 10 -- and an independent candidate one seat. MDC-Tsvangirai, MDC-Mutambara and the independent have since agreed to form a coalition that can exercise a majority in the House of Assembly.
The MDC split in 2005 over participation in that year's Senate polls.
As regards the Senate, ZANU-PF won 30 of the contested Senate seats Mar. 29, MDC-Tsvangirai 24 seats, and MDC-Mutambara six seats.
A breakdown of party representation in parliament along gender lines shows that ZANU-PF has the largest number of female legislators.
Of the 21 women in Zimbabwe's Senate, 13 represent ZANU-PF, and eight MDC-Tsvangirai.
Concerning the House of Assembly, 21 of the women in the house belong to ZANU-PF, 12 to MDC-Tsvangirai, and one to MDC-Mutambara.
* Please note that certain statistics about women's participation in Zimbabwean elections that are used in this article may differ from figures used in previous features on the same topic. The statistics used in the earlier articles were the best available figures at the time of publication.
HARARE, Jun 19 (IPS) - Amidst the turmoil surrounding the Jun. 27 presidential run-off in Zimbabwe, it is doubtless something of a challenge to muster enthusiasm for plans relating to the country's next general elections. Gender activists intent on having more women voted into office in 2013 are undaunted, however.
"We now need to take a systematic approach and start preparing for the next elections. We are confident from our experience in this election that more women will come up," said Luta Shaba, executive director of the Women's Trust, in reference to the ballot held Mar. 29. The trust is a non-governmental organisation (NGO) based in Zimbabwe's capital, Harare.
"A number have already written to us seeking assistance and guidance on how they can be involved as observers and polling agents in the run-off election. The big challenge now is to keep the momentum and maintain their confidence," she told IPS.
The efforts of the trust form part of 'Women Can Still Do It!', a continuation of the 'Women Can Do It!' campaign that was launched last year to encourage more women to participate in the recent elections as candidates, voters, polling agents and observers -- overcoming the view that politics is essentially a male domain.
"We have already started working with women at grassroots levels and running adverts on radio, television and (in) newspapers. Our campaign has somehow slowed down because of what is happening now...After this (the run-off) we will intensify our operations at all levels, especially at the grassroots, empowering women to empower others," said Shaba.
According to the former director of the Women in Politics Support Unit (WiPSU), Rutendo Hadebe, "This election has given us an opportunity to revisit our strategies to see what worked and what did not work, and use those (that worked) as a foundation for future efforts." WiPSU is an NGO headquartered in Harare.
Noted Netsai Mushonga, co-ordinator of the Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe, "We will keep pushing; this is an ongoing process which we believe will pay off some day. Our democracy is still very young, and I believe with time we will attain our targets in terms of equitable gender representation in government."
The Harare-based coalition is an umbrella group for women's organisations in Zimbabwe.
Elections across the board
This year's elections saw votes cast for the presidency, the upper and lower houses of parliament (the Senate and House of Assembly), and local councils.
No women contested the presidency.
Figures provided by WiPSU show that female candidates won 21* of the 60 Senate seats in play (35 percent). An additional 33 seats are reserved for a group that comprises the president and deputy president of the Council of Chiefs, 16 other traditional chiefs (elected separately), 10 provincial governors and five senators representing special interests. Women do not figure among the new contingent of chiefs in the upper house; provincial governors and senators for special interests are appointed by the president.
During the last Senate elections, in November 2005, women won 21 of the 50 seats that could be contested (42 percent), and were appointed to two of the 16 seats up for nomination, giving them control of just under 35 percent of the upper house.
The House of Assembly comprises 210 seats, 207 of which were contested Mar. 29, when 34 women won their races. By-elections for the three remaining seats -- Gwanda South, Pelandaba-Mpopoma and Redcliff -- will take place later this month alongside the presidential run-off. With one female candidate competing in the Gwanda South constituency, women may marginally increase the proportion of seats in the lower house that they currently occupy: about 16 percent.
The outcome as regards the House of Assembly was reminiscent of the March 2005 polls for the office, in which women won 20 seats and were appointed to a further four; this amounted to 16 percent of positions in the lower house, which then comprised 120 elected members and 30 nominees.
Under a constitutional amendment, the Senate and House of Assembly were enlarged in 2007.
Of the 1,902 local government seats, about 16.6 percent were captured by women Mar. 29 (315 women won local office). At the time of publication IPS was unable to obtain gender-related statistics for the previous local elections; prior to the Mar. 29 vote, polls for urban and rural councils were held separately -- the last urban local election in 2002, and rural polls in 2006.
Overall, figures which are available show that Zimbabwe's governing institutions have some way to go in meeting local aspirations for the administration to reflect the fact that women make up about half the population in the country -- and also in fulfilling regional goals. In 1997, the Southern African Development Community, to which Zimbabwe belongs, set a target of having 30 percent of decision-making posts in member nations occupied by women, by 2005. This target has since been adjusted to 50 percent of posts.
"There is a temptation to have a pessimistic response to the results, considering that there has not been a positive change in the representation percentages," said Shaba.
"But from an advocacy perspective, we are on the right track...If you compare the number of women who contested and their performance, we have made great strides," she added.
"Getting people participating is a process, not an event."
Of the 198 candidates who ran for the Senate this year, 64 were women (32.3 percent); in 2005, there were 25 women among the 90 Senate aspirants (just below 28 percent of the total).
In the case of the lower house, 118 of the 775 candidates who vied for seats Mar. 29 were women (15.2 percent) -- compared to 58 of the 272 candidates (21.3 percent) on the ballot in 2005.
Concerning local government polls, 661 of the 3,831 aspirants who ran this year were women (just over 17 percent).
Climate of fear
There is widespread concern about the presidential run-off, which pits long time head of state Robert Mugabe against Morgan Tsvangirai, head of the larger faction of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Zimbabwean law requires a second round of polling in the event that no candidate wins more than half the vote in the first round of elections for the presidency. The MDC claimed that Tsvangirai narrowly won the Mar. 29 presidential ballot; however, official results indicate that he captured 47.9 percent of the vote, against 43.2 percent for Mugabe. Delays in issuing these results prompted fears of vote rigging on the part of government.
Extensive physical abuse and other harassment of opposition supporters have led observers and rights activists to declare that a fair election in Zimbabwe is all but impossible under present circumstances. The main faction of the MDC claims that 70 of its supporters, or their relatives, have been killed and thousands more injured in violence aimed at keeping Mugabe in power.
A Jun. 9 report by the New York-based Human Rights Watch, '"Bullets for Each of You": State-Sponsored Violence since Zimbabwe's March 29 Elections', notes that "The violence has been particularly concentrated in former rural strongholds of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) -- areas that to the party's shock voted for the MDC in the parliamentary and first-round presidential elections."
"ZANU-PF officials and 'war veterans' are beating, torturing and mutilating suspected MDC activists and supporters in hundreds of base camps, many of them army bases, established across the provinces as local operations centers," the report states.
Amidst other allegations, it also accuses the party and its supporters of being "...engaged in a campaign of looting and destruction, slaughtering animals, stealing food and property, and burning down homesteads."
The run-up to the Mar. 29 polls was marred by similar irregularities, echoing the pattern of earlier presidential and parliamentary elections. As IPS reported, opposition supporters and rights activists were harassed and abused, and questions raised about the voters' roll -- while state broadcasting services were biased in favour of ZANU-PF and food aid allegedly manipulated, amongst other problems (see POLITICS-ZIMBABWE: "The Election Will Not Be Free and Fair").
Earlier this month, Zimbabwe's government accused aid groups of political interference and ordered them to suspend their activities; while a number of groups have since been allowed to resume work, the suspension has prompted renewed fears about the use of food aid as a political weapon.
According to figures on the website of the World Food Programme, 45 percent of the country's population is malnourished. Years of political and economic difficulties have also left the nation with shortages of other basic goods, runaway inflation, joblessness and widespread poverty.
The Mar. 29 polls saw ZANU-PF lose control of the House of Assembly for the first time in Zimbabwe's post-independence history: the former ruling party won 97 seats in the house and MDC-Tsvangirai 99 seats, while a smaller MDC faction headed by Arthur Mutambara took 10 -- and an independent candidate one seat. MDC-Tsvangirai, MDC-Mutambara and the independent have since agreed to form a coalition that can exercise a majority in the House of Assembly.
The MDC split in 2005 over participation in that year's Senate polls.
As regards the Senate, ZANU-PF won 30 of the contested Senate seats Mar. 29, MDC-Tsvangirai 24 seats, and MDC-Mutambara six seats.
A breakdown of party representation in parliament along gender lines shows that ZANU-PF has the largest number of female legislators.
Of the 21 women in Zimbabwe's Senate, 13 represent ZANU-PF, and eight MDC-Tsvangirai.
Concerning the House of Assembly, 21 of the women in the house belong to ZANU-PF, 12 to MDC-Tsvangirai, and one to MDC-Mutambara.
* Please note that certain statistics about women's participation in Zimbabwean elections that are used in this article may differ from figures used in previous features on the same topic. The statistics used in the earlier articles were the best available figures at the time of publication.
RIGHTS-ZIMBABWE: Women Bear Brunt of Violence
By Ephraim Nsingo
HARARE, Jun 28 (IPS) - "We are too familiar with the violence that was meted upon numerous of us from 1890 when the colonialists came into our country right up to the most recent elections. Chief among these forms of violence is sexual violence, and it concomitant implication, HIV infection. Zimbabwean women now have the lowest life expectancy world wide because of HIV & AIDS -- 34 years."
This from a statement issued by the Feminist Political Education Project (FePEP) on Apr. 10, when the country was still waiting for inexplicably-delayed results of the Mar. 29 presidential poll. FePEP expressed the view that regardless of who won, neither Tsvangirai nor Mugabe could bring all sides together and move forward in the interests of the whole country.
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, a former MDC parliamentarian and one of FePEP's coordinators, told IPS that Tsvangirai’s Jun. 22 withdrawal from the presidential run-off "was the right thing for him to do, albeit too late".
"Our position has been consistent; the current problems in Zimbabwe cannot be resolved through an election," said Misihairabwi-Mushonga. "Our society is divided right through the middle and any government would by nature have to be inclusive if we are to seriously work towards resolving the current impasse. The problems in this country will not go away. We should continue to press for dialogue."
While ZANU-PF hastily prepares to swear 84-year-old Robert Mugabe in as president, Zimbabweans continue to count the cost of the party's brutal fight to remain in power.
"Women have suffered most in this violence," said Netsai Mushonga, the Coordinator of the Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe, an umbrella body of Zimbabwean women's organisations. From what we have gathered so far, we expect the number of rape cases to treble. We are yet to sit down as an organisation to do a detailed analysis of the situation."
According to Alouis Chaumba, the chairperson of the Zimbabwe Peace Project -- an NGO that documents incidents of political violence -- most male opposition supporters have fled rural areas; leaving women more vulnerable.
"To force the men to return, ZANU PF militia have a tendency of abducting women and children. There are numerous cases of women and children being taken as ransom and forcibly detained in bases until their fathers or husbands return to their villages. Women are being assaulted, tortured, and sexually harassed," said Chaumba.
Martha Marime*, a 29-year-old woman from Chaona Village in Mashonaland Central Province, Chiweshe narrated how she was abducted at the end of May and repeatedly raped by ZANU PF militia for hours.
"I don't think I will ever recover from the pain and embarrassment I went through. I was forced to do things I have never done in my life and it really pains me to think to think of it. They took turns to rape me, and after that they beat me up saying I was a prostitute. I was two months pregnant when they beat me up, and the very day they released me, I had a miscarriage," said Marime.
The leader of a prominent women's organisation, who declined to be named, said most women were being harassed because their husbands, sons or male relatives were suspected to be supporters of the opposition.
"We are still compiling the details, but we have got one recent example where Abigail Chiroto was abducted and gruesomely murdered because her husband is an MDC activist. To make it worse, it looks like they did all this while her four-year-old son was watching. Things are really bad for women, but most of them are not brave enough to come out in the open for fear of retribution," said the official.
Abigail Chiroto, the wife of the newly elected mayor of Harare, Emmanuel Chiroto, was abducted from her home in Hatcliffe, Harare, and later found dead at a farm on the outskirts of the capital. Her son was unharmed.
Female candidates have also been victims of the violence. The losing candidate for Mt Pleasant House of Assembly Constituency, Trudy Stevenson -- of the MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara -- has for the past few weeks been living in hiding following repeated attempts by suspected ZANU PF supporters to attack her home.
Said Stevenson: "I am in a safe place, but obviously I am very worried that the place will be attacked any time, in view of this pattern repeated several times with people being abducted, tortured and murdered and the houses petrol-bombed. Most of my colleagues are not safe either."
Theresa Makone, the newly-elected legislator for Harare North and chairperson of the MDC Women's League has been living in hiding for over a month now. Her driver, Beta Chokururama, was murdered by suspected ZANU PF militias on Jun. 13.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa denied that his party is responsible for the reign of terror since the Mar. 29 elections.
"The opposition has been making all of sorts of allegations to draw unnecessary attention, for reasons which we do not know. From information we got from the police, MDC supporters have been perpetrating violence against our people, then steal our campaign material and disguise themselves as members of our party," said Chinamasa, who also chairs ZANU PF's media sub-committee for the elections.
Asked about incidents of rape at ZANU PF bases, Chinamasa said only that his party "does not have any such bases".
Robert Mugabe is expected to join other African heads of state at the African Union Summit now taking place in Egypt, where despite recent criticism from African leaders includng Zambian president Levy Mwanawasa -- who as chair of the Southern Africa Development Community stated that the elections in Zimbabwe fell far short of regional standards for fairness -- the early signs are that the A.U. will propose a power-sharing agreement for Zimbabwe similar to what was agreed in Kenya.
But how will such an agreement address the grievous injury and injustice that has fallen so heavily on the backs of Zimbabweans, particularly women?
*Not her real name.
HARARE, Jun 28 (IPS) - "We are too familiar with the violence that was meted upon numerous of us from 1890 when the colonialists came into our country right up to the most recent elections. Chief among these forms of violence is sexual violence, and it concomitant implication, HIV infection. Zimbabwean women now have the lowest life expectancy world wide because of HIV & AIDS -- 34 years."
This from a statement issued by the Feminist Political Education Project (FePEP) on Apr. 10, when the country was still waiting for inexplicably-delayed results of the Mar. 29 presidential poll. FePEP expressed the view that regardless of who won, neither Tsvangirai nor Mugabe could bring all sides together and move forward in the interests of the whole country.
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, a former MDC parliamentarian and one of FePEP's coordinators, told IPS that Tsvangirai’s Jun. 22 withdrawal from the presidential run-off "was the right thing for him to do, albeit too late".
"Our position has been consistent; the current problems in Zimbabwe cannot be resolved through an election," said Misihairabwi-Mushonga. "Our society is divided right through the middle and any government would by nature have to be inclusive if we are to seriously work towards resolving the current impasse. The problems in this country will not go away. We should continue to press for dialogue."
While ZANU-PF hastily prepares to swear 84-year-old Robert Mugabe in as president, Zimbabweans continue to count the cost of the party's brutal fight to remain in power.
"Women have suffered most in this violence," said Netsai Mushonga, the Coordinator of the Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe, an umbrella body of Zimbabwean women's organisations. From what we have gathered so far, we expect the number of rape cases to treble. We are yet to sit down as an organisation to do a detailed analysis of the situation."
According to Alouis Chaumba, the chairperson of the Zimbabwe Peace Project -- an NGO that documents incidents of political violence -- most male opposition supporters have fled rural areas; leaving women more vulnerable.
"To force the men to return, ZANU PF militia have a tendency of abducting women and children. There are numerous cases of women and children being taken as ransom and forcibly detained in bases until their fathers or husbands return to their villages. Women are being assaulted, tortured, and sexually harassed," said Chaumba.
Martha Marime*, a 29-year-old woman from Chaona Village in Mashonaland Central Province, Chiweshe narrated how she was abducted at the end of May and repeatedly raped by ZANU PF militia for hours.
"I don't think I will ever recover from the pain and embarrassment I went through. I was forced to do things I have never done in my life and it really pains me to think to think of it. They took turns to rape me, and after that they beat me up saying I was a prostitute. I was two months pregnant when they beat me up, and the very day they released me, I had a miscarriage," said Marime.
The leader of a prominent women's organisation, who declined to be named, said most women were being harassed because their husbands, sons or male relatives were suspected to be supporters of the opposition.
"We are still compiling the details, but we have got one recent example where Abigail Chiroto was abducted and gruesomely murdered because her husband is an MDC activist. To make it worse, it looks like they did all this while her four-year-old son was watching. Things are really bad for women, but most of them are not brave enough to come out in the open for fear of retribution," said the official.
Abigail Chiroto, the wife of the newly elected mayor of Harare, Emmanuel Chiroto, was abducted from her home in Hatcliffe, Harare, and later found dead at a farm on the outskirts of the capital. Her son was unharmed.
Female candidates have also been victims of the violence. The losing candidate for Mt Pleasant House of Assembly Constituency, Trudy Stevenson -- of the MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara -- has for the past few weeks been living in hiding following repeated attempts by suspected ZANU PF supporters to attack her home.
Said Stevenson: "I am in a safe place, but obviously I am very worried that the place will be attacked any time, in view of this pattern repeated several times with people being abducted, tortured and murdered and the houses petrol-bombed. Most of my colleagues are not safe either."
Theresa Makone, the newly-elected legislator for Harare North and chairperson of the MDC Women's League has been living in hiding for over a month now. Her driver, Beta Chokururama, was murdered by suspected ZANU PF militias on Jun. 13.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa denied that his party is responsible for the reign of terror since the Mar. 29 elections.
"The opposition has been making all of sorts of allegations to draw unnecessary attention, for reasons which we do not know. From information we got from the police, MDC supporters have been perpetrating violence against our people, then steal our campaign material and disguise themselves as members of our party," said Chinamasa, who also chairs ZANU PF's media sub-committee for the elections.
Asked about incidents of rape at ZANU PF bases, Chinamasa said only that his party "does not have any such bases".
Robert Mugabe is expected to join other African heads of state at the African Union Summit now taking place in Egypt, where despite recent criticism from African leaders includng Zambian president Levy Mwanawasa -- who as chair of the Southern Africa Development Community stated that the elections in Zimbabwe fell far short of regional standards for fairness -- the early signs are that the A.U. will propose a power-sharing agreement for Zimbabwe similar to what was agreed in Kenya.
But how will such an agreement address the grievous injury and injustice that has fallen so heavily on the backs of Zimbabweans, particularly women?
*Not her real name.
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