Political Violence: Living with the enemy

By Vusumuzi Sifile and Caiphas Chimhete

PERVASIVE fear, suspicion and general mistrust still hound villagers who suffered political violence by Zanu PF youth militias after President Robert Mugabe’s defeat in the March election.

Memories of savage killings, torture and intimidation are still fresh in their minds.

Many are still nursing deep wounds inflicted on them by neighbours for voting against Mugabe in favour of MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai.

Villagers still treat strangers and even their neighbours with outright suspicion.

"I don’t discuss politics with anyone even my friends because I don’t know how these talks will end," said an elderly Chiweshe villager, who cannot named for security reasons.

"If the talks break down, the killers may come back and wipe us out."

The villagers in Chaona in Chiweshe district of Mashonaland Central saw several suspected MDC supporters killed.

Some lost limbs, homes and livestock to their neighbours.

While there appears to be, generally, a commitment from members of the public to reconcile and co-exist in some parts of the country, there is still suspicion between victims and perpetrators of violence.

These views emerged during recent interactions with villagers from different parts of the country. The villagers said there had been a significant decline in political violence.

“A number of people who had fled the village are now back,” said Nathaniel Zhou, who said he was from Chitekete in Gokwe North.

“There are still a few pockets of enmity here and there, but generally, we are living together as one people. We have forgiven each other as brothers.”

Even a Gokwe-based pastor acknowledges the challenges of co-existence.

“We have had some very complex scenarios where the clashes were between members of our church. Getting them to attend services together is now a challenge. We have engaged community members, in collaboration with other churches and some civil society organisations. While in most cases a great deal has been achieved, we have had some people vowing never to live “nema chinja” (MDC supporters),” said the Pastor, who asked not to be identified.

Another victim of political violence from Zaka in Masvingo province, who can only be identified as Norman, said living in the same village with the killers of his best friend, Krison Mbano, was a nightmare.

Mbano together with Washington Nyamwa were killed after an MDC district office was doused with petrol and set alight by known Zanu PF supporters in June.

“They can’t look into my eye for they know what they did. I feel I am betraying my friend by letting them roam around,” he said. “They should face justice. I can’t forgive them.”

Other victims of Mugabe’s scorched earth policy have not returned to their homes despite the two MDCs and Zanu PF signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on July 21, which, among other things, called for the cessation of political violence.

The parties called “upon all our supporters and members and any organs and structures under the direction and control of our respective parties to stop the perpetration of violence in any form”.

They also called on people who were displaced when Mugabe embarked on his campaign to ensure victory on June 27 to return home. The 84-year-old leader contested alone after Tsvangirai withdrew from the race citing excessive violence against his supporters and officials by Mugabe’s loyalists, mostly youth militias, self-styled war veterans and state security agents.

Hundreds of MDC officials and supporters have not returned to their homes fearing retribution from militias loyal to the fist-waving president.

The MDC last week said its supporters, including elected legislators and councillors, were still in hiding as rogue Zanu PF elements continued to terrorise them, especially in rural areas, a direct violation of the talks and the MoU.

MDC director of information, Luke Tamborinyoka, said although political violence had generally subsided, there were still areas where youth militias were terrorising opposition supporters and even preventing them from returning to their homes.

He said the most volatile areas included Mutoko and Murehwa in Mashonaland East, Makoni and Buhera in Manicaland, and Gokwe in the Midlands.

The MDC cited more than 2 000 detentions, over 200 000 internally displaced, and in excess of 10 000 of its supporters injured and maimed as a result of Zanu PF-orchestrated violence.

At least 5 000 MDC supporters, mainly polling agents and council candidates, are thought to be missing or unaccounted for.

Some 10 MPs-elect and councillors, said Tamborinyoka, were still in hiding or could not access their areas.

“In some areas, the situation is still very tense and some people are still coming to our offices looking for their missing relatives and friends,” he said.

The MDC said some 125 opposition activists had died since the March 29 harmonised elections.

The MDC spokesman for Manicaland, Pishai Muchauraya, said self-styled war veterans were still waging a violent campaign against his party supporters in the province.

Muchauraya said Buhera South was the worst affected area as the war veterans were “terrorising the area and brutalising our supporters”.

MDC MP-elect for Buhera South, Naison Nemadziva, remains in hiding in Mutare, after threats to his life.

In Makoni South, said Muchauraya, Chief Chiduku was demanding a $50 fine from all MDC supporters in Ward 28 for what he called “over-excitement” after the March elections.

“Anyone who does not pay that money will be evicted from all villages under Chief Chiduku,” said Muchauraya.

Chief Chiduku could not be reached for comment. He is a prominent Zanu PF stalwart, appointed to the Senate by Mugabe in 2005.

Zanu PF spokesperson Nathan Shamuyarira was also not available for comment.